丘吉尔演讲稿中英对照

丘吉尔演讲稿中英对照篇一

丘吉尔演讲赏析(全英文)

When it comes to the language features and the great sentences of Churchill’s speech, I have a lot of things to say.

First, great sentences. In fact, one of the most special feature is comparison. Churchill use a lot of comparisons in this article to emphasize his main thought and make his speech more infectious. Such as the situations 10 months ago and now, the normal people and the British, and so on. Then, quotation. He quote Kipling's words "meet with Triumph and Disaster. And treat those two impostors just the same." He use this brief sentence to expound and emphasize his own ideal, “Try to be brave when you face everything and never give in. ”Finally, repetition. The best example is the title and topic sentence,” Never give in, never give in ,never ,never, never.” He use a series of “Never” to express his feeling and appeal everyone to keep this faith.

Second, suitable diction. Churchill use a lot of thought-provoking and motivational words to make people begun to think deeply and achieve his goal of encouragement. For example, he use, “ups and downs” to describe the situation of the enemy. Why? He want to let people know the difficulties they have to face and encourage them to be more brave.

Third, clear structure. The structure of this speech is clear. Churchill use the first

paragraph to explain his purpose of coming here. Then, in next four paragraph, he told us the strict situation 10months ago, and compared it with today's situation. Finally, in

paragraph six to eight. He appealed people." Do not let us speak of darker days: let us speak rather of sterner days. "

In this speech, my favorite paragraph is," Never give in, never give in, never, never, never, never-in nothing, great or small, large or petty - never give in except to convictions of honor and good sense. Never yield to force; never yield to the apparently overwhelming might of the enemy. "

There are some reasons. First, it is the thesis sentence of the whole speech and it reveals Churchill's goal to give this speech. Second, it has great inflammatory .When I read this paragraph I feel very excited and anxious. I feel as if my blood have burned. Third, these sentences show us a kind of spirit which make people become afraid nothing and do their best.

丘吉尔演讲稿中英对照篇二

丘吉尔演讲英文原文

英文原文

Blood, Sweat And Tears

Winston Churchill May 13, 1940

On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.

It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.

I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.

It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.

The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.

I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today's

proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to M. P. 's at the earliest opportunity.

I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The resolution

That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion.

To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at any other

points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.

In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and

colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.

I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this

government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat.

We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.

You ask, what is our policy I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.

You ask, what is our aim I can answer in one word, It is victory. Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.

Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.

I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.

I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength.

这是丘吉尔1940年5月13日在下院发表的首相就职演讲，内容大概如下：

“我所能奉贤的，只有热血和辛劳，眼泪和汗水。

你们问：我们的政策是什么？我说，我们的政策就是用上帝所给予我们的全部能力和全部力量，在海上.陆地上和空中进行战争。同一个邪恶悲惨的人类罪恶史上从为见过的穷凶极恶的暴政进行战争。 你们问：我们的目的是什么？我可以用一个词来答复：胜利————不惜一切代价去争取胜利，无论多么恐怖也要去争取胜利；无论道路多么遥远和艰难，也要去争取胜利；因为没有胜利，就不能生存。 在这个时候，我觉得我有权要求大家的支持，我说：起来，让我们联合起来，共同前进！”

热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水

（1940.5.13）

丘吉尔

星期五晚上，我接受了英王陛下的委托，组织新政府。这次组阁，应包括所有的政党，既有支持上届政府的政党，也有上届政府的反对党，显而易见，这是议会和国家的希望与意愿。我已完成了此项任务中最重要的部分。战时内阁业已成立，由5位阁员组成，其中包括反对党的自由主义者，代表了举国一致的团结。三党领袖已经同意加入战时内阁，或者担任国家高级行政职务。三军指挥机构已加以充实。由于事态发展的极端紧迫感和严重性，仅仅用一天时间完成此项任务，是完全必要的。其他许多重要职位已在昨天任命。我将在今天晚上向英王陛下呈递补充名单，并希望于明日一天完成对政府主要大臣的任命。其他一些大臣的任命，虽然通常需要更多一点的时间，但是，我

相信会议再次开会时，我的这项任务将告完成，而且本届政府在各方面都将是完整无缺的。

我认为，向下院建议在今天开会是符合公众利益的。议长先生同意这个建议，并根据下院决议所授予他的权力，采取了必要的步骤。今天议程结束时，建议下院休会到5月21日星期二。当然，还要附加规定，如果需要的话，可以提前复会。下周会议所要考虑的议题，将尽早通知全体议员。现在，我请求下院，根据以我的名义提出的决议案，批推已采取的各项步骤，将它记录在案，并宣布对新政府的信任。

组成一届具有这种规模和复杂性的政府，本身就是一项严肃的任务。但是大家一定要记住，我们正处在历史上一次最伟大的战争的初期阶段，我们正在挪威和荷兰的许多地方进行战斗，我们必须在地中海地区做好准备，空战仍在继续，众多的战备工作必须在国内完成。在这危急存亡之际，如果我今天没有向下院做长篇演说，我希望能够得到你们的宽恕。我还希望，因为这次政府改组而受到影响的任何朋友和同事，或者以前的同事，会对礼节上的不周之处予以充分谅解，这种礼节上的欠缺，到目前为止是在所难免的。正如我曾对参加本届政府的成员所说的那样，我要向下院说：“我没什么可以奉献，有的．只是热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水。”{丘吉尔演讲稿中英对照}.

摆在我们面前的，是一场极为痛苦的严峻的考验。在我们面前，有许多许多漫长的斗争和苦难的岁月。你们问：我们的政策是什么我要说，我们的政策就是用我们全部能力，用上帝所给予我们的全部力量，在

丘吉尔演讲稿中英对照篇三

高级英丘吉尔演讲、马克吐温

1.Speech on Hitler’ Invasion of the U.S.S.R

“Behind all this glare. behind all this storm, I see that small group of villainous men who plan, organize, and launch this cataract of horrors upon mankind...

在这番刀光剑影、血雨腥风的背后，我看到了那一小撮谋划、组织并向人类发起这场恐怖战争的恶棍···

“I have to declare the decision of His Majesty’s Government—and I feel sure it is a decision in

which the great Dominions will in due course concur—for we must speak out now at once, without a day’s delay. I have to make the declaration, but can you doubt what our policy will be? We have but one aim and one single, irrevocable purpose. We are resolved to destroy Hitler and every vestige of the Nazi regime. From this nothing will turn us—nothing. We will never parley,we will never negotiate with Hitler or any of his gang. We shall fight him by land, we shall fight him by sea, we shall fight him in the air, until, with God’s help, we have rid the earth of his shadow and liberated its people from his yoke. Any man or state who fights on against Nazidom will have our aid.Any man or state who marches with Hitler is our foe...That is our policy and that is our declaration.It follows therefore that we shall give whatever help we can to Russia and the Russian people.We shall appeal to all our friends and allies in every part of the world to take the same course and pursue it,as we shall faithfully and stead-fastly to the end....

现在我必须宣布大英帝国的决定，我确信伟大的自治领地在适当时候会一致同意这个决定。然而我们必须立即宣布这项决定，一天也不能耽搁。我必须发表这项声明，难道你们会怀疑我们的政策吗？我们只有一个目标，一个唯一的，不可能变的目标，那就是一定要消灭希特勒和纳粹政权的一切痕迹。什么也不能使我们改变这个决定。什么也不能！我们决不妥协；我们决不同希特勒或他的任何党羽谈判。我们将在陆地上同他战斗，直至借上帝之力，在地球上清除他的阴影，并把地球上的人民从他的枷锁中解放出来。我们将援助任何一个同纳粹主义作战的人或者国家。我们将敌视任何一个助纣为虐的人或国家···这就是我们的政策，这就是我们的宣言。因此，我们将尽力援助（前）苏联和（前）苏联人民。我们将呼吁世界各地的朋友和盟友与我们同心协力，忠诚不渝地斗争到底···

“This is no class war, but a war in which the whole British Empire and Commonwealth of Nations is engaged, without distinction of race, creed, or party. It is not for me to speak of the action of the Soviet Russia will cause the slightest divergence of aims or slackening of effort in the great democracies who are resolved upon his doom, he is woefully mistaken. On the contrary, we shall be fortified and encouraged in our efforts to rescue mankind from his tyranny. We shall be strengthened and not weakened in determination and in resources.{丘吉尔演讲稿中英对照}.

这绝不是阶级战争。这是一场大英帝国和英联邦，不分种族，不分信仰，不分党派，共同参与的战争。我无权代表美国方面做任何行动宣言，但我要声明一点，如果希特勒认为他对（前）苏联的进攻会稍稍转移那些一心埋葬他的伟大的民主

国家的目标或者使他们斗志松懈的话，那么他就大错特错了。恰恰相反，我们将会更加坚定，勇敢地为将人类从他的暴政下解救出来而奋斗，我们将加强自己的决心和力量，绝不退缩。

“This is no time to moralise on the follies of countries and Governments which have allowed themselves to be struck down one by one, when by united action they could have saved the world from this catastrophe. But when I spoke a few minutes ago of Hitler’s bold-lust and the hateful appetites which have impelled or lured him on his Russian adventure. I said there was one deeper motive behind his outrage. He wishes to destroy the Russian power because he hopes that if he succeeds in this he will be able to bring back the main strength of his Army and Air Force from the East and hurl it upon this Island, which he knows he must conquer or suffer the penalty of his crimes. His invasion of Russia is no more than a prelude to an attempted invasion of the British Isles. He hops, no doubt, that all this may be accomplished before the winter comes, and that he can overwhelm Great Britain before the Fleet and air-power of the United States may intervene. He hopes that he may once again repeat, upon a greater scale than ever before, that process of destroying his enemies one by one by which he has so long thrived and prospered, and that then the scene will be clear for the final act, without which all his conquests would be in vain-namely, the subjugation of the Western Hemisphere to his will and to his system.

那些遭到德军各个击破的国家和政府，当初若是采取联合行动，原本是可以使自己和全世界免遭劫难的。当然，现在不是对他们的愚蠢行为发表评论的时候。但我在几分钟前谈到希特勒嗜血成性、欲壑难填的本性驱使并引诱他发动了对（前）苏联的贸然进攻时，我说过在他的 疯狂行为背后隐藏着一个蓄谋已久的动机。他之所以想摧毁苏联军队，是因为他期望一旦这一行动得手，他便可以将其他陆军和空军主力从东线调回，进而投入到对英国的进攻中去。他明白，他必须征服英国，否则，他将为他的罪行付出代价。希特勒侵略（前）苏联只不过是蓄谋侵略不列颠诸岛的前奏。毫无疑问，他期望在冬季到来之前完成这一切，并在美国海军和空军干涉之前击溃英国。他指望更大规模地故伎重演，各个击破。他一直以来都是凭借这种伎俩得逞的。那是，他就可以为最后行动清除障碍了，也就是说，他就要迫使西半球屈从于他的意志和制度下了，而如果做不到这一点，他的一切征服都将化为泡影。

1.Mark Twain--Mirror of America

Most Americans remember Mark Twain as the father of Huck Finn’idyllic cruise through eternal boyhood and Tom sawyer’ endless summer of freedom and adventure. Indeed, this nation’s best-loved author was every bit as adventurous, patriotic, romantic, and humorous as anyone has ever imagined .I found another Twain as well-one who grew cynical, bitter, saddened by the profound personal tragedies life dealt him, a man who became obsessed with the frailties of the human race, who saw clearly ahead a black wall of night.

在大多数美国人印象中，马克吐温是位伟大的作家，他向我们描述了哈克 贝利费恩再其永恒的童年时代充满诗情画意的旅行，还有汤姆索亚在漫长的夏日里自由自在的探险故事。的确，这位最受美国人喜爱的作家完全像人们想象的那样富有冒险精神、爱国、浪漫和幽默。但我同样发现马克吐温的另一面——一个由于饱受了人生悲剧的打击而变得愤世嫉俗、尖酸刻薄的马克吐温，一个位人类的弱点所困惑而忧心忡忡、清楚地看到前途一片黑暗的马克吐温。

Tramp printer ,river pilot, Confederate guerrilla, prospector, starry-eyed optimist, acid-tongued cynic: The man who became Mark Twain was born Samuel Langhorne Clemens and he ranged across the nation for more than a third of his life, digesting the new American experience before sharing it with the world as writer and lecturer.He adopt his pen name from the cry heard in his steamboat days,signaling two fathoms(12feet)of water—a navigable depth.His popularity is attested by the fact that more than a score of his books remain in print,and translations are still read around the world.

印刷工、领航员、南部联邦游击队员、淘金者、耽于幻想的乐观派、言辞刻薄的讽刺家——马克吐温原名叫塞缪尔 朗格合恩 克勒孟斯，他用一生中超过三分之一的时间游历于美国各地，亲身体验美国的新生活，然后便以作家和演讲家的身份与全世界一同分享他的感受。他的笔名来自他在汽船上做工时听到的水手们测量水深时的喊声，意思是“水深两浔（12英尺）—即可以通航的信号语。在他的作品中，由二十多部至今仍在印刷发行，在世界各地其译本也被广泛阅读，这足以证明他受欢迎的程度。

The geographic core in Twain’s early years, was the great valley of the Mississippi River, main artery of transportation in the young nation’s heart. Keelboats, flatboats, and large rafts carried the first major commerce. Lumber, corn, tobacco, wheat, and furs moved downstream to the delta country, sugar, molasses, cotton, and whiskey traveled north. In the 1850’s, before the climax of westward expansion, the vast-basin drained three-quarters of the settled United States.

马克吐温青年时，美国的地理中心是密西西比河流域，而对于这个新兴国家来说，密西西比河就是其交通大动脉。运货船、平底船和大木筏运载着最初的主要商品。木材、玉米、烟草、小麦和皮毛制品顺流而下，被运送到该流域的三角洲地区，砂糖、糖蜜、棉花和威士忌酒则被输送到北方地区。19世纪50年代，在西部运动高潮到来之前，辽阔的密西西比河流域占当时美国已居住领土面积的四分之三。

Mark Twain's own Declaration of Independence came from another character.Six chapters into Tom Sawyer,he drags in"the juvenile pariah of the village,Hucklebeery Finn, son of the town drunkard."Fleeing a respectable life with the puritanical Widow Douglas,Huck protests to his friend,Tom Sawyer:"I've tried it,and it don't work,Tom.It ain't for me...The widder eats by a bell；she goes to bed by a bell；she gits up by a bell —everything's so awful reg'lar a body can't stand it. "

马克吐温本人的独立宣言表现在另一个人物形象上。从《汤姆•索亚历险记》第六章起，他引入了“村里的一个流浪儿，镇上酒鬼的儿子哈克贝利•费恩”。由

于不习惯在清教徒道格拉斯寡妇家的体面生活，哈克逃了出来，他向他的朋友汤姆抱怨到：“我试过了，但还是不行了；真难受啊，汤姆。我真不适合过这种日子„„那寡妇要听钟声吃饭，听钟声睡觉，连起床也要听钟声—一句话，什么事都规规矩矩的，真叫人受不了。”

Nine years after Tom Sawyer sweptthe nation,Huck was given a life of his own ,in a book often considerd the best ever written about Americans.His raft flight downtheMississippi with a runaway slave presents a moving panoranla for exploration of American Society.

《汤姆•索亚历险记》风靡美国九年后，马克吐温在一部被公认为描写美国人的最为成功的作品里赋予了哈克独立的生命。哈克同一个逃亡的奴隶乘着木筏沿着密西西比河顺流而下，他们的航程。生动地展示了一幅美国社会生活的全貌。

丘吉尔演讲稿中英对照篇四

丘吉尔演讲稿we are the masters

Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives of the United States:

I feel greatly honored that you should have invited me to enter the United States Senate Chamber and address the representatives of both branches of Congress.

The fact that my American forebears have for so many generations played their part in the life of the United States, and that here I am, an Englishman,

welcomed in your midst, makes this experience one of the most moving and thrilling in my life, which is already long and has not been entirely uneventful. I -- I wish -- I wish indeed that my mother, whose memory I cherish across the vale of years, could have been here to see.

And by the way, I cannot help reflecting that if my father had been American and my mother British, instead of the other way around, I might have got here on my own. In that case, this would not have been the first time you would have heard my voice. In that case I should not have needed any invitation; but if I had, it is hardly likely that it would have been unanimous. So perhaps things are better as they are.

I may confess, however, that I do not feel quite like a fish out of water in a legislative assembly where English is spoken. I am a child of the . I was brought up in my father's house to believe in democracy. "Trust the people" -- that was his message. I used to see him cheered at meetings and in the streets by crowds of working men way back in those aristocratic Victorian days when, as said, the world was for the few, and for the very few.1

Therefore I have been in full harmony all my life with the tides which have flowed on both sides of the Atlantic against privilege and monopoly, and I have steered confidently towards the Gettysburg ideal2of

I owe my advancement entirely to the House of Commons, whose servant I am. In my country, as in yours, public men are proud to be the servants of the State and would be ashamed to be its masters. On any day, if they thought it -- if they thought the people wanted it, the House of Commons could by a simple vote remove me from my office. But I'm not worrying about it at all. As a matter of fact, I am sure they will approve very highly of my journey here, for which I obtained permission in order to meet the and to arrange with him all that , and for all those intimate meetings of the high officers of the armed services in both countries, which are indispensable to the successful prosecution of the war.

I should like to say, first of all, how much I have been impressed and

encouraged by the breadth of view and sense of proportion which I have found in all quarters over here to which I've had access. Anyone who did not

understand the size and solidarity of the foundations of the United States might easily have expected to find an excited, disturbed, self-centered atmosphere, with all minds fixed upon the novel, startling, and painful episodes of sudden war as they hit America. After all, the United States have been attacked and set upon by three most powerfully armed dictator States. The greatest military power in Europe, the greatest military power in Asia, Japan, Germany and Italy have all declared, and are making, war upon you, and a quarrel is opened which can only end in their overthrow or yours. But here in Washington, in these memorable days, I have found an which, far from being based upon complacency, is only the mask of an inflexible purpose and the proof of a sure, well-grounded confidence in the final outcome.

We in Britain had the same feeling in our darkest days. We, too, were sure that in the end all would be well.

You do not, I'm certain, underrate the severity of the ordeal to which you and we have still to be subjected. The forces ranged against us are enormous. They are bitter; they are ruthless. The wicked men and the -- and their factions who have launched their peoples on the path of war and conquest know that they will be called to terrible account if they cannot beat down by force of arms the peoples they have assailed. They will stop at nothing. They have a vast accumulation of war weapons of all kinds. They have highly trained and

disciplined armies, navies, and air services. They have plans and designs which have long been contrived and matured. They will stop at nothing that violence or treachery can suggest.

It is quite true that, on our side, our resources in man-power and materials are far greater than theirs. But only a portion of your resources are as yet mobilized and developed, and we both of us have much to learn in the cruel art of war. We have therefore, without doubt, a time of tribulation before us. In this same time some ground will be lost which it will be hard and costly to regain. Many disappointments and unpleasant surprises await us. Many of them will afflict us before the full marshalling of our latent and total power can be accomplished. For the best part of twenty years the youth of Britain and America have been taught that war was evil, which is true, and that it would never come again, which has been proved false. For the best part of twenty years the youth of Germany, of Japan and Italy, have been taught that aggressive war is the noblest duty of the citizen, and that it should begun -- be begun as soon as the necessary weapons and organization had been made. We have performed the duties and tasks of peace. They have plotted and planned for war. This,

naturally, has placed us in Britain, and now places you in the United States, at a

disadvantage which only time, courage, and untiring exertions can correct.

We have indeed to be thankful that so much time has been granted to us. If Germany had tried to invade the British Isles after the French collapse in June 1940, and if Japan had declared war on the British Empire and the United States at about the same date, no one can say what disasters and agonies might not have been our lot.

But now at the end of December 1941, our transformation from easy-going peace to total war efficiency has made very great progress. The broad flow of munitions in Great Britain has already begun. Immense strides have been made in the conversion of American industry to military purposes. And now that the United States is at war, it is possible for orders to be given every day which in a year or eighteen months hence will produce results in war power beyond anything that has been seen or foreseen in the dictator States. Provided that every effort is made, that nothing is kept back, that the whole man-power, brain power, virility, valor, and civic virtue of the English-speaking world with all its galaxy of loyal, friendly, or associated communities and States -- provided that is bent unremittingly to the simple but supreme task, I think it would be reasonable to hope that the end of 1942 will see us quite definitely in a better position than we are now, and that the year 1943 will enable us to assume the initiative upon an ample scale.

Some people may be startled or momentarily depressed when, like your

President, I speak of a long and a hard war. Our peoples would rather know the truth, somber though it be. And after all, when we are doing the noblest work in the world, not only defending our hearths and homes but the cause of freedom in every land, the question of whether deliverance comes in 1942 or 1943 or 1944 falls into its proper place in the grand proportions of human history.

Sure I am that this day -- now we are the masters of our fate; that the task which has been set us is not above our strength; that its pangs and toils are not beyond our endurance. As long as we have faith in our cause and an

unconquerable will-power, salvation will not be denied us. In the words of the Psalmist, "He shall not be afraid of evil tidings; his heart is fixed, trusting in the Lord."3Not all the tidings will be evil.

On the contrary, mighty strokes of war have already been dealt against the enemy: The glorious defense of their native soil by the Russian armies and people have -- the wounds have been inflicted upon the Nazi tyranny and{丘吉尔演讲稿中英对照}.

system which have bitten deep, and will fester and inflame not only in the Nazi now but a lackey and a serf, the merest utensil of his master's will. He has inflicted great suffering and wrong upon his own industrious people. He has

been stripped of all his African empire. . Our armies of the East, which were so weak and ill-equipped at the moment of French desertion, now control all the regions from Tehran to Benghazi, and from Aleppo and Cyprus to the sources of the Nile.

For many months we devoted ourselves to preparing to take the offensive in Libya. The very considerable battle, which has been proceeding there for the last six weeks in the desert, has been most fiercely fought on both sides. Owing to the difficulties of supply upon the desert flank, we were never able to bring numerically equal forces to bear upon the enemy. Therefore, we had to rely upon a superiority in the numbers and qualities of tanks and aircraft, British and American. For the first time, aided by these, for the first time we have fought the enemy with equal weapons. For the first time, we have made the Hun feel the sharp edge of those tools with which he has enslaved Europe. The armed forces of the enemy in Cyrenaica amounted to about 150,000 men, of whom a third were German. . And I have every reason to believe that his aim will be fully

accomplished.

I am so glad to be able to place before you, members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, at this moment when you are entering the war, the proof that with proper weapons and proper organization we are able to beat the life out of the savage Nazi. What Hitler is suffering in Libya is only a sample and foretaste of what we have got to give him and his accomplices, wherever this war should lead us, in every quarter of the globe.

There are good tidings also from blue water. The lifeline of supplies which joins our two nations across the ocean, without which all would fail -- that lifeline is flowing steadily and freely in spite of all that the enemy can do. It is a -- a fact that the British Empire, which many thought eighteen months ago was broken and ruined, is now incomparably stronger and is growing stronger with every month.Lastly, if you will forgive me for saying it, to me the best tidings of all: the United States, united as never before, has drawn the sword for freedom and cast away the scabbard.

All these tremendous facts have led the subjugated peoples of Europe to lift up their heads again in hope. They have put aside forever the shameful temptation of resigning themselves to the conqueror's will. Hope has returned to the hearts of scores of millions of men and women, and with that hope there burns the flame of anger against the brutal, corrupt invader. And still more fiercely burn the fires of hatred and contempt for the filthy whom he has suborned.

In a dozen famous ancient states, now prostrate under the Nazi yoke, the masses of the people, all classes and creeds, await the hour of liberation when

they too will once again be able to play their part and strike their blows like men. That hour will strike. And its solemn peal will proclaim that night is past and that the dawn has come.

The onslaught upon us, so long and so secretly planned by Japan, has

presented both our countries with grievous problems for which we could not be fully prepared. If people ask me, as they have a right to ask me in England, "Why is it that you have not got an ample equipment of modern aircraft and army weapons of all kinds in Malaya and in the East Indies?" I can only point to the victory General Auchinleck has gained in the Libyan campaign. Had we diverted and dispersed our gradually-growing resources between Libya and Malaya, we should have been found wanting in both theaters.

If the United States has been found at a disadvantage at various points in the Pacific Ocean, we know well that that is to no small extent because of the aid which you have been giving to us in munitions for the defense of the British Isles and for the Libyan campaign, and above all because of your help in the Battle of the Atlantic, upon which all depends and which has in consequence been successfully and prosperously maintained.

Of course, it would have been much better, I freely admit, if we had had

enough resources of all kinds to be at full strength at all threatened points. But considering how slowly and reluctantly we brought ourselves to large-scale preparations, and how long these preparations take, we had no right to expect to be in such a fortunate position.

The choice of how to dispose of our hitherto limited resources had to be made by Britain in time of war, and by the United States in time of peace. And I believe that history will pronounce that upon the whole, and it is upon the whole that these matters must be judged, that the choice made was right. Now that we are together, now that we are linked in a righteous comradeship of arms, now that our two considerable nations, each in perfect unity, have joined all their life's energies in a common resolve, a new scene opens upon which a steady light will glow and brighten.

Many people have been astonished that Japan should in a single day have plunged into war against the United States and the British Empire. We all

wonder why, if this dark design with its laborious and intricate preparations had been so long filling their secret minds, they did not choose our moment of weakness eighteen months ago. Viewed quite dispassionately, in spite of the losses we have suffered and the further punishment we shall have to take, it certainly appears an irrational act. It is of course only prudent to assume that they have made very careful calculation and think they see their way through. Nevertheless, there may be another explanation.

丘吉尔演讲稿中英对照篇五

丘吉尔演讲稿

丘吉尔演讲稿{丘吉尔演讲稿中英对照}.

我们将战斗到底

演讲时间：1940年6月4日

1940年6月4日丘吉尔在下院通报了敦刻尔克撤退成功，但是也提醒“战争不是靠撤退打赢的。”随后丘吉尔旋即发表了他在二战中最鼓舞人心的一段演说：

这次战役尽管我们失利，但我们决不投降，决不屈服，我们将战斗到底。{丘吉尔演讲稿中英对照}.

我们必须非常慎重，不要把这次援救说成是胜利。战争不是靠撤退赢得的。但是，在这次援救中却蕴藏着胜利，这一点应当注意到。这个胜利是空军获得的。归来的许许多多士兵未曾见到过我们空军的行动，他们看到的只是逃脱我们空军掩护性攻击的敌人轰炸机。他们低估了我们空军的成就。关于这件事，其理由就在这里。我一定要把这件事告诉你们。

这是英国和德国空军实力的一次重大考验。德国空军的目的是要是我们从海滩撤退成为不可能，并且要击沉所有密集在那里数以千计的船只。除此之外，你们能想象出他们还有更大的目的吗?除此而外，从整个战争的目的来说，还有什么更大的军事重要性和军事意义呢?他

们曾全力以赴，但他们终于被击退了;他们在执行他们的任务中遭到挫败。我们把陆军撤退了，他们付出的代价，四倍于他们给我们造成的损失......已经证明，我们所有的各种类型的飞机和我们所有的飞行人员比他们现在面临的敌人都要都好。

当我们说在英伦三岛上空抵御来自海外的袭击将对我们更有好处时，我应当指出，我从这些事实里找到了一个可靠的论据，我们实际可行而有万无一失的办法就是根据这个论据想出来的。我对这些青年飞行员表示敬意。强大的法国陆军当时在几千辆装甲车的冲击下大部分溃退了。难道不可以说，文明事业本身将有数千飞行员的本领和忠诚来保护吗?

有人对我说，希特勒先生有一个入侵英伦三岛的计划，过去也时常有人这么盘算过。当拿破仑带着他的平底船和他的大军在罗涅驻扎一年之后，有人对他说：“英国那边有厉害的杂草。”自从英国远征军归来后，这种杂草当然就更多了。

我们目前在英国本土拥有的兵力比我们在这次大战中或上次大战中任何时候的兵力不知道要强大多少倍，这一事实当然对抵抗入侵本土防御问题其有利作用。但不能这样继续下去。我们不能满足于打防御战，我们对我们的盟国负有义务，我们必须再重新组织在英勇的总司令戈特勋爵指挥下发动英国远征军。这一切都在进行中，但是在这段

期间，我们必须使我们本土上的防御达到这样一种高度的组织水平，即只需要极少数的人便可以有效地保障安全，同时又可发挥攻势活动最大的潜力。我们现在正进行着方面的部署。

这次战役尽管我们失利，但我们决不投降，决不屈服，我们将战斗到底，我

们将在法国战斗，我们将在海洋上战斗，我们将充满信心在空中战斗!我们将不惜任何代价保卫本土，我们将在海滩上战斗!在敌人登陆地点作战!在田野和街头作战!在山区作战!我们任何时候都不会投降。即使我们这个岛屿或这个岛屿的大部分被敌人占领，并陷于饥饿之中，我们有英国舰队武装和保护的海外帝国也将继续战斗。

这次战役我军死伤战士达三万人，损失大炮近千门，海峡两岸的港口也都落入希特勒手中，德国将向我国或法国发动新的攻势，已成为既定的事实。法兰西和比利时境内的战争，已成为千古憾事。法军的势力被削弱，比利时的军队被歼灭，相比较而言，我军的实力较为强大。现在已经是检验英德空军实力的时候到了!撤退回国的士兵都认为，我们的空军未能发挥应有的作用，但是，要知道我们已经出动了所有的飞机，用尽了所有的飞行员，以寡敌众，绝非这一次!在今后的时间内，我们可能还会遭受更严重的损失，曾经让我们深信不疑的防线，大部分被突破，很多有价值的工矿都已经被敌人占领。从今后，我们要做好充分准备，准备承受更严重的困难。对于防御性战争，决不能

认为已经定局!我们必须重建远征军，我们必须重建远征军，我们必须加强国防，必须减少国内的防卫兵力，增加海外的打击力量。在这次大战中，法兰西和不列颠将联合一起，决不屈服，决不投降!